Monthly Archives: November 2023

Expanding the Definition of “We”

When you live in Manhattan, long subway trips are part of your day. I used to ride all over the city, and if you hop an A train in Brooklyn and you’re headed home to Harlem, that can take an hour and a half.

So New Yorkers phase out. A book, a game on an iPad, headphones. Anything to pass the time. One night, I was tuned in to Carrie Newcomer, and I’d relaxed my eyes to the typical non-focus that we use so nobody thinks we’re staring. Only…there was something happening.

I noticed, first, the guy on my left, who was reading the Quran in original Arabic. He was Black, wearing a taqiyah cap, totally focused on his studies. When he turned the page, he flipped it backwards. My backwards. Arabic’s forwards.

Across from me was an Hasidic Jew. His head was tilted up toward the ceiling, and his payos swung gently on each side of his face as he jiggled one knee up and down with the vibrating train.

To my right, another man, I think an Old Order Mennonite, with a beard but no mustache, dark suspenders, and plain black trousers and practical shoes.

At that moment, the track changed on my iPhone and Carrie Newcomer started singing “Room at the Table.” I wept a little.

“There is room at the table for everyone…”

It’s a nice image. It’s also not always true. We sort ourselves into categories for many purposes, and often, that’s the right thing to do. We need groups for social contact, for teamwork, for a feeling of safety. Groups to advocate for a political position. Groups to arrange the Saturday night sock hop. Our social groups are essential when we experience accidents, impoverishment, and illnesses. They’re vitally important when we celebrate, too. 

But some things require a broader network, and one of those is election violence prevention. As a reminder, “election violence” means physical violence, severe psychological violence, and destruction of property of monetary or symbolic value, either triggered by or intended to influence an election cycle. It may be committed by a minority of people, at least at first, but the conditions that make it possible are society-wide.

If we experience election violence, it won’t come from nowhere. It’ll happen because of some specific event—a speech, a riot, an announcement—that serves as a catalyst. But as chemists will tell you, a catalyst doesn’t have an effect if there’s no reaction already prepared. That is, the catalyst can’t set things off when its surroundings are simply not reactive.

In the language of peacemaking, a resilient community or resilient society is one that can absorb shocks—also called catalysts, or triggers—without becoming violent. The most resilient groups are ones with a wide and diverse network of connections. The Methodists know the Buddhists; the baseball team knows the Girl Scouts; the townspeople know the police officers; the factory workers know the university professors; the Republicans know the Democrats. They might disagree with each other—might even dislike each other—but they know each other to be human beings, and they all agree that “we don’t want violence.”

This doesn’t work if we don’t expand the definition of “we.” If we start under the assumption that “we” don’t want violence, but some of “them” do, then we are setting up the conditions for election violence because we’re making space for rumors to flourish. We’re feeding distrust and suspicion and othering. Depending on our choice of language, we might even be dehumanizing. This environment is where election violence comes from.

An enormous majority of people in the United States, regardless of their political affiliation, would agree with the statement, “We don’t want violence.” But sometimes our actions and words create the environment for violence anyway.

Think about what Jesus said in Matthew 5:21-24. “You have heard that it was said to our people long ago, ‘You must not murder anyone. Anyone who murders another will be judged.’ But I tell you, if you are angry with your brother, you will be judged. And if you say bad things to your brother, you will be judged by the Jewish council. And if you call your brother a fool, then you will be in danger of the fire of hell. So when you offer your gift to God at the altar, and you remember that your brother has something against you, leave your gift there at the altar. Go and make peace with him. Then come and offer your gift.”

In a way, Jesus was talking about the conditions for violence. Most of us are not going to murder anyone over the 2024 election cycle, and we’re not going to scream violent threats at someone or destroy an election site. Jesus, though, calls us to reconciliation over anger. Reconciliation is not the same as agreement. It is defined as “the restoration of friendly relations.” More loosely, we might call it restoring the conditions in which we are a resilient community, resistant to catalysts, unlikely to become violent even following political shocks.

Jesus also differentiates between being angry with our brother (in which case we will be judged) and calling our brother a fool (in which case we will be in danger of the fire of hell). To me, this indicates a difference between two forms of disagreement. 

We might say to someone, “Your political position on this issue baffles and infuriates me.”

Or we might say to someone, “You’re either deliberately evil or else you’re an idiot.” 

Jesus seems to indicate that the second version is worse, and people who study peacebuilding and restoration processes would agree. When we degrade a person, we are ascribing motives to them that may or may not be accurate, and we are creating conditions in which they are likely to fight back. When we criticize a position, we are indicating the possibility of ongoing conversation with the person who holds it. 

We can’t prevent election violence by further widening the fissures between “us” and “them.” Both in election violence prevention, and in peacebuilding efforts more generally, we know that people build stronger networks (thus becoming more resilient communities) when they work together on a common goal. In this case, the common goal is, “We don’t want violence.” By starting there—and by agreeing to expand the definition of “we” to include anybody who agrees with that statement—we are creating conditions from which we can build peace.

This does not mean that we cannot continue to work in opposition on other issues. Two people can have any number of political disagreements and advocate strongly for directly opposing positions but still work together on election violence prevention. That’s because the practices that prevent election violence are legitimately non-partisan—and I’ll be writing about what, specifically, those practices are in my next blog. We can work together on nonviolence and work in opposition on other issues as long as we all understand the difference.

Friends have a long history of acknowledging the innate value of all people and the ability of each participant to bring something of value to the group. We practice this every time we enter discernment together. We have a head start specifically because we have practiced it so often—and so often failed—because trial and error is how we learn. What we must do now is commit to acting as though the truth is true. We must act as if we truly believe that everyone has something to contribute.

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Choosing Hope: Election Violence Prevention

Years ago in western Kenya, I learned over breakfast that two groups of young men had fought over cattle the night before. Three of the men—boys, really, in my mind—had been shot and died. This was part of a long pattern of violence between historically opposing tribes.

My friend Getry, who is Kenyan but not from that area, was also visiting. She said to me, “You are coming to Baragoi.” This was the village closest to the shooting. I asked if I’d be safe. She said I would, because I had no cattle.

In Baragoi, we met with three local Friends in a small café over cups of highly sugared chai tea. The conversation, half in English and half in Kiswahili, centered on a single question: how will we bring the young men together to make sure this doesn’t happen again?

It was a different approach from my U.S.-centric perspective. In my social circles, we might have prayed. We might have discussed root causes of violence and might have placed our hope in the next generation. We would not have acted so directly. We would not have brought together the opposing parties. We would not have assumed peace was so immediately possible.

This experience has stayed in my mind. I look now at my own country in 2023, and I remember the faith that Getry demonstrated for me. I think about Kenya and how the election violence in 2007 was, in many ways, a catalyst for Quaker peace work and training there. And I look around me and listen to the news and feel a pull toward election violence prevention here, in the United States in 2024, because I believe we are in danger of experiencing it.

What do you mean by election violence?

Election violence, I am learning, is a specific term with a specific definition. It includes (1) physical violence, (2) severe psychological violence, (3) destruction of property of monetary value, and (4) destruction of property of symbolic value. It’s caused by the politics of the election cycle, or it’s intended to influence the results of an election. It can happen as early as a year before the election or as late as several months after the election.

Property damage is included in the definition not because it is the same as physical violence but because it so swiftly leads to physical violence in many cases. “Severe psychological violence,” in this definition, refers to something beyond name calling or even deeply unpleasant experiences. It is more akin to direct and brutal threats.

Why do you think election violence is likely?

The United States Institute of Peace, which studies election violence, identifies three primary risk factors.

Election violence is more likely if the country has experienced election violence in the recent past. This is true in the United States, although the election violence we’ve experienced here has, so far, been less severe than some other countries’ experiences.

Election violence is more likely if politicians are encouraging one group of people to blame another group of people for their problems. Unfortunately, this is also true in the United States. It happens in multiple ways. Some politicians say Democrats are responsible for Republicans’ problems. Others say Republicans are responsible for Democrats’ problems. Politicians encourage the poor to blame the wealthy and the middle class for their problems…or the middle class to blame the poor and the wealthy for their problems. They encourage racial groups to blame other racial groups. Some politicians encourage Christians to blame non-Christians, and others encourage the secular to blame the religious. And so forth.

Election violence is more likely in “transitional democracies.” The United States is not a transitional democracy, which is defined as a country moving from authoritarianism to a democratic system. However, the reason transitional democracies often experience election violence is because the people lack faith in the legitimacy of the new democracy. 

More than 60% of Republicans do not believe that President Biden was legitimately elected. Around 70% of Democrats believe the Supreme Court is partisan rather than impartial. (This is not quite the same thing as believing the Supreme Court is illegitimate, but I could not find data on that specific question.) On the whole, we seem to have significant doubts about our government’s legitimacy and its ability to govern fairly and in a way that meets our needs. Regardless of whether these doubts are warranted, the fact that so many people share them puts us in danger of election violence.

Aside from these risk factors, I feel concerned about specific triggers and also our general polarized dynamic. A “trigger” is a specific event that might spark violence in an already-unstable society. Any of the following could be triggers: President Biden is declared the winner of the 2024 presidential election. President Trump is declared the winner of the 2024 presidential election. President Trump wins the Republican presidential primary. President Trump loses the Republican presidential primary. Politicians use escalating conflict in the Middle East as political leverage. President Biden is impeached. President Trump experiences a criminal trial and is convicted. President Trump experiences a criminal trial and is acquitted.

There are other potential triggers, but these are the ones I personally believe to be most dangerous. I could easily be wrong.

Unsubstantiated rumors, dehumanizing speech about the “other,” and a general lack of faith in the political process all create an environment ripe for election violence. People are violent when they don’t see another way forward. Each trigger has the potential to panic us and spark violence. We can only withstand triggers if we have strong, cross-partisan preparation to resist violence. 

Do you really believe it’s possible to prevent election violence?

I do, and the more time I spend learning and praying about it, the more I believe it’s possible. But anyone who is going to do this work will have to start by doing four things:

We must expand the definition of “we.” It’s human nature, in scary times, to pull our loved ones close to us, put up real or metaphorical walls, and shift into a defensive mode. There’s nothing wrong with this as an instinct. It is extremely helpful, for example, if we are being attacked by bears. But we are not being attacked by bears. There are no election violence monsters roaming the country. We are all just people.

Almost no one actually wants violence. There are a few people who do, but they are rare and severely outnumbered. “We don’t want violence” is a unifying statement. We may not agree on the most likely sources of violence, but if we agree we don’t want it, that’s a place to start.

If we define “we” as “people like me” and “them” as “people likely to become violent,” then we can only have a conversation about responding to violence. If we’re willing to work together, though, we can have a conversation about preventing violence. I am learning that election violence prevention best practices always begin by widening the circle and generating solutions together.

We must learn what we don’t know. We don’t have to be experts in election violence prevention, and we don’t have to figure it out through trial and error. The information we need is readily available because people—including Friends—have been doing this work internationally for years. I’ve been speaking with experts and combing through the research. We can learn this stuff, and one of my own next steps is to compile a short list of the best resources that I can share.

We must decline to be hopeless. One of my favorite Biblical passages is Jeremiah 1:4-8. This is the call of the prophet Jeremiah. Like many Biblical prophets, Jeremiah’s first response to God’s call is “I can’t.” Specifically, Jeremiah says, “Alas, Sovereign Lord, I do not know how to speak. I am too young.”

God’s answer is straight to the point. “Do not say ‘I am too young.’ You must go to everyone I send you to and say whatever I command you. Do not be afraid of them, for I am with you and will rescue you.”

I think of this as the Madlib verse. It applies to a lot more than being too young. “Do not say ‘I am too _______.’” What other protests might we have? I am too old, too shy, too scared, too busy…

The passage can be read like a kick in the pants, but I interpret it as comforting. God knows who we are before we are called. Our job is to discern God’s leading and then do it. Not everyone who works on the problem of election violence will do the same tasks, but if we each pay attention to the Holy Spirit, we will not be charged with more than we can do.

Hopelessness means I’m off the hook. If the situation is hopeless, I don’t have to do anything. I choose to believe it is not hopeless, and that calls me to action.

We must engage in election violence prevention specifically, without blurring the lines between this and other work.Why does this matter? Because “we don’t want violence” is a unifying statement. The moment we bring other goals into this conversation, we’re pushing out anyone who can’t get on board with those other goals, and that means we can’t do this work effectively. 

We can still work on the other goals. We almost certainly should, but probably not with the exact same group of people. That means we must have the ability to uncouple various goals in our minds. We must be able to say to ourselves and others, “The goal of this specific space and this specific conversation is election violence prevention. Everyone in the room is on board with that goal, and that’s what we’re strategizing about right now.” Only that clarity will make this work as effective as possible.

Why are Friends especially well-suited to do election violence prevention?

Our sisters and brothers have been doing this work internationally, and we can learn from them. In addition, many election violence prevention best practices directly correspond with Quaker faith and practice, which means we have a head start.

We prevent election violence when we tell the full truth. Friends’ commitment to integrity reminds us that it is unhelpful and unfair to oversimplify. It also helps us understand why it’s so important to disagree with someone else’s actualposition rather than what we assume their position to be. Every time we acknowledge complexity and refuse to believe or pass along rumors, we are making election violence less likely.

We prevent election violence when we act on strategies drawn from the wisdom of the whole group. At the center of election violence prevention is the local community forum, in which all people in a certain area come together to talk about preventing violence locally. The most effective strategies are those that a diverse group of neighbors generate together. Friends already know that all people have access to the Inner Christ, so we have practice in listening deeply to others.

We prevent election violence when we pose the question, “How will we live and work together?” Friends do this imperfectly, but we do it again and again each time we commit to corporate discernment. Election violence work involves extending the umbrella to include everyone, then committing to the conversation about that same question in a wider way.

We prevent election violence when we create alternative, productive ways for people to express their opinions and feelings. One historical name for Friends was the “Publishers of Truth.” Collectively, we understand how to speak truth to power, and we know how to do it nonviolently. These are skills that we can teach.

What are you planning to do about election violence, exactly?

We don’t need another institution or initiative. Plenty of those exist already. My intention is to gather people, especially but not only Quakers, who share this concern about election violence prevention in the United States in 2024 and 2025. I hope to facilitate conversations, summarize best practices research, provide trainings with experts, and write and speak and visit with Friends.

I’ll do my best to contextualize all this in our general calling to “live in the virtue of that Life and Power that [takes] away the occasion of all wars.” I’ll also speak from the assumption that God’s direction is knowable to us. As Jesus said, “I no longer call you servants, because a servant does not know his master’s business. Instead, I have called you friends, for everything that I learned from my Father I have made known to you.”

My intention is to welcome anyone into the conversation who agrees with the statement “we don’t want violence” and who is interested in a faith-based, Quaker-influenced framing of the work. 

How can I find out more?

If you’d like to learn more from someone other than me, my top recommendation is the Preventing Election Violence free online course from the United States Institute of Peace Gandhi-King Global Academy.

If you’d like to receive occasional emails from me on this topic, including invitations to Zoom conversations and trainings and recommended resources, you can sign up for those here.

If you’d like to subscribe to this blog and receive a notification each time I post something new, you can do that by clicking the “subscribe” button here: